Opinion: there are pointers for Ireland in how Greece responded to far right extremism, xenophobic hatred and racist discourse
Between 2014 and 2022, more than 1.2 million refugees and asylum seekers arrived in Greece by sea and land. Mainly from the Middle East and Central Asia, half of them crossed the Aegean Sea on flimsy boats and into Greek islands between August and November 2015.
Despite the initial wave of solidarity by civil society, local populations gradually became wary of the mass influx of displaced people into economically dependent on tourism islands. The far right capitalised on people's frustration, and the neo-Nazi Golden Dawn party, which rose to prominence during the debt crisis and emerged as the third largest political force in the country in the 2015 elections, built strongholds in the affected areas and elsewhere.
Since then, uncontrolled migration flows have largely been contained. As the economy bounced back, Greek voters rejected Golden Dawn's violence, and the party failed to win any seats in the 2019 elections. A year later, its leaders were convicted of running a criminal organisation and sent to prison in what was hailed as "the biggest trial of neo-fascists since the prosecution of the Nazis at Nuremberg after the second World War".
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From RTÉ Brainstorm in 2021, what's behind the emergence of the far right in Ireland?
Coming from a country where the handling of refugees has been high on the political agenda for years, it is not hard to understand the concern that migration can stir in communities, especially among the most disadvantaged ones. But for a robust economy like Ireland, the issue is not migration, but the structural reasons why hateful rhetoric and attitudes find fertile ground. Left unchecked, the situation can spiral out of control.
The experience of Greece points to two main areas of consideration, namely normalisation of the far right and populism.
Normalisation of the far right
Far right violence should not be normalised. Golden Dawn's actions were tolerated for years by the Greek political spectrum, especially by the governing parties. Parliamentary voting trade-offs, TV airtime and sensationalist, lifestyle-type coverage of neo-Nazis, common public appearances and photo-ops of former ministers alongside Golden Dawn MPs, along with significant delays to the procedures of the trial due to "technical obstacles", led to the mainstreaming of their rhetoric and steady gains in public support.
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From RTÉ News in 2013, Golden Dawn leader remanded in custody in Greece
The far right does not currently threaten democratic institutions in Ireland, but this could change. Racist attacks should not be tolerated and far-right rhetoric and talking points should not dominate public discourse. Announcements regarding the possibility of tougher border controls to prevent illegal migration, or the acceleration of deportation of failed asylum seekers send the wrong message and play into the hands of far-right advocates.
Rather than an illegal immigration problem, Ireland faces long-term structural problems, such as a scarcity of affordable housing, inadequate health and social care services and high childcare costs. Such unmet needs, exaggerated by the rising cost of living, have been used by far right activists to instil fear in communities and blame refugees. Scapegoating, blame shifting and victim-perpetrator reversal are all part of the far-right populist rhetoric that has increasingly moved to the mainstream, leading to what Prof Ruth Wodak terms "the shameless normalisation of far-right discourse".
Populism and the 'losers of globalisation'
In Greece, soaring popular discontent with austerity measures and the two mainstream parties led to the dealignment of the political system. Anti-establishment parties emerged from both the left and right of the political spectrum, capitalising on the indignants grassroots protest movement against austerity. Within a short period, radical left party Syriza rose from the margins of the political system to winning the elections in 2015, and formed a government with the right-wing nativist ANEL party as their junior partner.
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From RTÉ Radio 1's Late Debate, are Ireland's housing woes laying the foundations for the far right?
Despite an anti-austerity, anti-establishment and Eurosceptic agenda, the government implemented the strictest fiscal consolidation programme the country has seen. According to their populist narrative, the elites and their vested interests, namely the European institutions, the old political establishment, the bankers, and of course, the opposing media, waged war against their government and forced them to accept the bailout deal.
In political science literature, populism is defined as an ideology where society consists of two antagonistic and homogeneous groups, the "pure people" versus the "corrupt elite". Populism is also considered a "thin-centred" ideology; it lacks the intellectual consistency of other ideologies and it can be combined with communism, socialism, nationalism, or other thin or thick-centred ideologies. As was evident from the unconventional (far) left-(far) right Greek coalition, it transcends the traditional left-right divide.
Although populism can bring attention to concerns ignored by political elites, the problem lies in its predominantly divisive and polarising nature, as expressed in the dichotomous representation of society and the moralistic idealisation of its own camp paired with the denouncement of the opposite camp as evil. In Greece, such populist rhetoric, from the left and the right, further inflamed an already volatile social and political environment.
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From RTÉ Radio 1's Morning Ireland, Ciarán O'Connor from the Institute for Strategic Dialogue on the growing influence of the far right in protests in Ireland
What about Ireland?
During the last decade, Ireland has also been experiencing social and electoral changes. No clear comparison can be drawn between the two countries, as the economic reality in Ireland today is vastly different to that of Greece in 2012 and 2015. More importantly, there are no far-right parties to cash in on popular dissatisfaction with traditional political options, while no major party has adopted anti-immigrant or xenophobic rhetoric.
But danger still lurks. The protest vote in Greece during the debt crisis was primarily directed towards either Syriza or Golden Dawn, with little exchange of voters between the two parties. In Ireland, politics do not strongly align with the traditional left-right divide. Many voters who feel excluded from the economic system and who do not hold strong ideological affiliations could, in theory, turn to a populist party emerging from the far-right end of the political continuum.
The experience of Greece shows that populism can hijack the desire for change and destabilise society
This possibility is not entirely unthinkable. Research shows that populists tend to exploit and cultivate the fears of the people who feel threatened by the pressures and societal conflicts that increased economic competition and "denationalisation" have brought to Western societies. Ireland is no exception, as many low and middle-income voters do not directly benefit from its economic model and are disaffected with mainstream political parties.
While it is difficult to predict if this cohort would vote for an Irish far right, anti-immigrant party, the experience of Greece shows that populism can hijack the desire for change and destabilise society. When this is combined with complacency, the threat to democratic institutions is real and the consequences are long-term.
The views expressed here are those of the author and do not represent or reflect the views of RTÉ
