Analysis: from the Businessmen's Party to the Workers' Party, many colourful small political parties have made a pitch to Irish voters over the years

The recent passing of Desmond O'Malley, widely seen as a giant of Irish political life in the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s brought to mind the important role that smaller political organisations can play in Irish society. O’Malley served as Minister for Justice during a tumultuous period in the early 1970s, before holding other ministerial portfolios in later governments.

However, he is perhaps best remembered as the founder and first leader of the Progressive Democrats (PDs). Once described by President Michael D. Higgins as 'the clean business end of populism’, and by another adversary, Pat Rabbitte, as being akin to a ‘barrel of badgers’ (due to the strong personalities involved), the right-of-centre PDs were not beloved by those on the Left of the political spectrum.

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From RTÉ Radio 1's Drivetime, former Taiseach Bertie Ahern and former minister Liz O'Donnell on the death of the Progressive Democrats' founder Des O'Malley

Nevertheless, the PDs reflected a public desire at their formation in 1985 for tough remedial measures to stabilise the economy, and won 14 seats at the 1987 general election, a highpoint never repeated. Between 1989 and their demise in 2009, the party served in four governments, and, for good or for ill, exerted significant influence over the economic and social policy directions of these administrations.

The two-and-a-half party system

While the PDs were arguably the most powerful small party in the State’s history, they were not the only minor political organisation that had a disproportionate impact on Irish society or government. Throughout the 20th century, the characterisation of the Irish political structure as a ‘two-and-a-half party system’ remained a comforting and seemingly inarguable truism.

In popular discourse, the electorate’s choice was, essentially, a binary one: a ‘Tweedledum’ Fianna Fáil government, or a ‘Tweedledee’ Fine Gael-led administration (albeit with a dash of colour in the guise of the Labour Party). Various electoral contests did provide a smattering of other small, niche, and sometimes ‘eccentric’ parties and independents from which to choose. However, most voters plumped for the stable ‘two’ options represented by the Civil War foes; or the additional ‘half’ provided by the oldest political party, Labour.

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From RTÉ News in February 2020, smaller parties are eyeing up potential kingmaker role in next Dáil after the election

It is understandable that the near-plethora of minor parties that bubbled and burst in the early years of independence retained no foothold in popular memory. Organisations with Dáil representation, such as the Farmers’ Party, the Businessmen’s Party, the Cork Progressive Association, the National Group, and Clann Éireann are largely unknown today. With the refusal of anti-Treaty Sinn Féin to recognise the Dáil, the Cumann na nGaedheal party enjoyed a comfortable majority in parliament until 1927, with Labour acting as primary opposition. Consequently, smaller organisations had little opportunity to enter the collective memory, either by joining a coalition government or through holding the balance of power.

John Jinks goes missing

This changed with the entry of Éamon de Valera's new Fianna Fáil party to the Dáil in 1927. Cumann na nGaedheal, though still larger than its rival, was now in a minority position in parliament overall. Attempts were made to cobble together an ‘anti-Cumann na nGaedheal’ coalition of the Labour Party and the National League (an inheritor of the old Irish Parliamentary Party), with Fianna Fáil supporting the prospective administration from outside.

Though agreement proved difficult, the first step of declaring ‘no confidence’ in the Government looked set to succeed. However, the absence of a National League deputy from the crucial vote saved Cumann na nGaedheal’s skin. John Jinks’ infamous recusal secured his, and thus the National League’s, position in the popular mind for many years.

The 1940s and the 'second wave'

The 1940s heralded what Liam Weeks has described as the ‘second wave’ of minor political parties; with groupings such as Clann na Talmhan, the Monetary Reform Party, National Labour and Clann na Poblachta gaining footholds in the Dáil. All would join the first Inter-Party Government in 1948, alongside the larger Fine Gael and Labour parties.

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From NUI Galway Historical Studies, Dr Séan Ó Duibhir on the crisis caused by the Mother and Child Scheme

Clann na Poblachta was perhaps the most impactful, and certainly the most remembered, of these smaller groupings. Established in 1946, by the exotic former anti-Treaty IRA 'Chief of Staff', Seán MacBride, the Clann attracted disgruntled Fianna Fáil supporters. Its early by-election victories provoked a general election, in which Fianna Fáil lost power.

However, the decision to enter government in 1948 led to dissent within the Clann, and to its electoral demise. Nevertheless, its brief presence at Cabinet was a catalyst, propelling that government's decision to formally declare Ireland a republic in 1949, and exit the Commonwealth. It also launched the career of Noël Browne, whose (often misunderstood) contribution to the infamous Mother and Child Scheme controversy of 1951 ensured that he remained a political gadfly until the early 1980s.

The Workers’ Party and Democratic Left

Arguably the party who were the direct lineal descendant of de Valera’s anti-Treaty Sinn Féin party that emerged in 1923 were The Workers’ Party. They were once known as ‘Official Sinn Féin’, and later as Sinn Féin-The Workers’ Party, before finally dropping the ‘Sinn Féin’ prefix in 1982.

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From RTÉ News, RTÉ News on the 1990 Workers' Party ard fheis

Colloquially referred to as ‘the Stickies’, due to the movement’s sale of adhesive versions of the Easter Lily, the Soviet-aligned hardline socialist party never gained more than seven seats in the Dáil. But as forensic assessments by Brian Hanley and Scott Millar demonstrate, this movement exerted significant influence in the 1980s, with impacts that echo even today.

Workers' Party TDs were instrumental in bringing Haughey’s dysfunctional GUBU Government to power in March 1982. To be fair, they also hastened this administration's demise later that year by withdrawing support. The organisation attracted and deployed (often secretly) a bevy of journalists, broadcasters, trades unionists, and civic activists who attempted to nudge public opinion in directions determined by the Party leadership. The national broadcaster, RTÉ, was regarded by some commentators as a hotbed of 'Sticky’ activity, and the Party had influential admirers within the print media.

Throughout the 1980s, the party's energetic and activist cadres were in the liberal vanguard with respect to social issues. Additionally, the Party vociferously opposed violence in Northern Ireland, and contributed to increased Southern understanding of Unionist perspectives (somewhat ironic, given the Workers' Party's own origins).

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From NUI Galway Historical Studies, Dr Séan Ó Duibhir on the GUBU government

Although the party never entered government, a rancorous split in 1992 resulting in the formation of the breakaway Democratic Left saw former Workers’ Party luminaries join the Rainbow Coalition in 1994. Following Democratic Left’s merger with Labour, two former Workers’ Party activists, Pat Rabbitte and Liz McManus, became leader and deputy leader respectively in 2002, prompting some to opine that 'the Stickies had taken over the Labour Party’. Later still, another former Workers’ Party stalwart, Eamon Gilmore, also became Labour leader, and served as Tánaiste from 2011 to 2014.

Smaller organisations often played key – and sometimes pivotal – roles in shaping public policy and government direction.

Whilst the 1992 split saw The Workers’ Party diminish in terms of support and activity, the party can boast (if it chose to) of many influential former members. Aside from ministers and Labour leaders, there are also high-profile and respected academics, a former adviser to the Ulster Unionist Party and at least one member of the British House of Lords that have emanated from its political stable.

While Ireland appeared to be a ‘two-and-a-half’ party system during the last century, the reality was that smaller organisations often played key – and sometimes pivotal – roles in shaping public policy and government direction. Moreover, with the proliferation of organisations winning Dáil seats in recent years, smaller parties will likely be governmental ‘kingmakers’ for the foreseeable future. The extent to which this brings constructive variations in voices contributing to policy, or leads to governmental inertia with respect to tough (but necessary) decision-making, remains open to question.

The views expressed here are those of the author and do not represent or reflect the views of RTÉ