Analysis: while now a highly respected member of the United Nations, Ireland's initial reaction to the organisation was far from enthusiastic
Ireland’s accession to the United Nations Security Council on January 1st was greeted with little fanfare by most people. This is perhaps understandable, given our current focus on Covid-19. Considering the domestic circumstances, the 'prize’ of Ireland gaining this rather prestigious position as part of the UN’s most powerful body is one that may seem better left to politicians and diplomats to celebrate, or to denigrate, as the case may be.
Certainly, the Minster for Foreign Affairs, Simon Coveney, was eager to highlight the importance of this two-year role at the "top table of global decision making" when interviewed on Morning Ireland earlier this year. He claimed that the state’s elevation would be major news "in normal circumstances" and was only now relegated in people’s minds due to the twin threats of Brexit and Covid.
The minister also emphasised that Ireland still has a key role to play despite the current polarised nature of the Security Council. "Ireland speaks to power well", he said, before intimating that our excellent relationships with each of the major powers would allow us to navigate the unsettled diplomatic waters between them – and possibly help to find resolutions to some of the most "delicate, difficult and divisive" issues facing the world today.
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From RTÉ Radio 1's Morning Ireland, Minister for Foreign Affairs Simon Coveney on how Ireland intends using its new seat on the UN Security Council.
Considering the longstanding high levels of international goodwill that Ireland enjoys and our military's 60 years of unbroken service on peacekeeping missions, the minister’s words cannot be dismissed as mere grandstanding. Ireland is a highly respected member of the UN General Assembly, and our diplomatic teams are typically regarded as being of the highest calibre. Moreover, for the many Irish citizens who regard the concept of military ‘neutrality’ as a Holy Writ, our engagement with the UN is seen as a vibrant expression both of our sovereignty and of our commitment to engaging with the global community.
But it was not always thus. Given our steadfast commitment to the UN over the years, many may find it surprising to learn that our initial political response to its foundation was somewhat lukewarm. Indeed for a time, it looked uncertain that we would join the United Nations at all.
Established in October 1945, the United Nations Organisation initially largely consisted of the Allied states that had officially opposed the Axis powers in the Second World War. This and the founders’ declared emphasis on "collective measures" to supress "acts of aggression" in the post-war world indicated that UN members may be expected to engage in future military actions.
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From RTÉ Archives, Joe O'Brien reports for RTÉ News in 2005 on the commemoration of the 50th anniversary of Ireland joining the United Nations
Such a commitment gave some Irish politicians pause for thought. Ireland had just emerged from the war with her official (if somewhat unreal) ‘neutrality’ intact. It was a position that had earned us heavy criticism from expected sources such as Winston Churchill and the belligerent US Ambassador in Dublin, David Gray. In such circumstances, Irish hesitancy towards joining what might prove to be a largely militarily-orientated body was to be expected.
Moreover, then Taoiseach Éamon de Valera had further good reason for scepticism. Ireland was once an enthusiastic supporter of the defunct League of Nations (the forerunner to the UN), and de Valera saw first-hand how this international body failed to secure peace.
As president of the League’s governing council in 1932, de Valera was dismayed by the organisation’s inability to check the expansionism of Imperial Japan. His concerns regarding the League’s impotence were confirmed later in 1935, when little was done to counter Fascist Italy’s occupation of Abyssinia (modern day Ethiopia and Eritrea).
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From RTÉ Archives, Irish troops leave for a UN peacekeeping mission in the Congo in 1962
In 1932, de Valera had warned that the League’s founding covenant could become a "dead letter". By 1936, he was convinced that "collective security" was a chimera, and that "Small States" such as Ireland should look to their own defences to avoid becoming "the tools of any Great Power". The League’s weakness pushed him towards a policy of Irish neutrality, and his prediction that this weakness would lead to another major war proved accurate.
With this history in mind, it is understandable that many Irish political figures were not overly excited by the new UN concept. During the Dáil debate on Ireland’s possible application in July 1946, Labour’s William Norton was arguably the most effusive in his advocacy for Ireland’s entry, though with a style that appeared more rhetorical than convinced. Similarly, whilst Fine Gael’s Richard Mulcahy declared his party would not oppose Ireland’s entry, enthusiasm was muted amongst some of his colleagues.
For their part, the Fianna Fáil government also favoured an application, albeit with some ambivalence. The Taoiseach himself was critical of aspects of the new UN Charter, and presciently referred to the stifling nature of the vetoes held by the permanent members of the Security Council. As might be expected, questions were also raised about the potential for the UN to help resolve (or worsen) the thorny issue of partition. In this regard, de Valera opined that whilst Ireland would not derive any major benefits from membership, "I cannot see that it is likely to do us any harm (either)" – a convincing argument indeed!
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From RTÉ Archives, Ingrid Miley reports for RTÉ News on the appointment of Mary Robinson as United Nations High Commissioner For Human Rights in 1997
Public interest outside of the Dáil largely reflected the spectrum of subdued opinions. There appeared to be little by way of concerted attempts, either by the Government or civic bodies, to generate societal discussion on the topic. Only de Valera’s erstwhile colleagues in anti-Treaty Sinn Féin appeared animated and, true to their isolationist form, were vociferous in their opposition to the new organisation. The party’s then president, Margaret Buckley, described the UN as an imperialist "thieves’ kitchen", entry to which would be yet another form of Free State "apostacy".
For a period, Mrs. Buckley need not have worried. Ireland’s application to join the UN in 1946 was rejected, and would be rejected repeatedly for a further nine years, courtesy of the Soviet veto. As one of the five permanent members of the Security Council, the USSR could prevent the accession of any applicant state. Ostensibly, the Soviets were displeased by our neutral policy during the Second World War, and falsely claimed that Ireland had been openly sympathetic to the Axis powers. They conveniently forgot that they themselves had formed the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact with Hitler to carve up Poland in 1939. In reality, their opposition was part of the new Cold War power play, as they feared Ireland would likely align – and vote – with the Western powers at the UN Assembly.
Since our belated entry, our political leaders, diplomats and military have proven to be enthusiastic, determined and respected members of the United Nation
Ireland was finally allowed to join the United Nations in 1955, after our application was accepted as part of a 'package deal' to admit four communist and 12 non-communist states together. This helped to maintain something of an East–West balance and mollified the Soviets.
Since our belated entry, our political leaders, diplomats and military have proven to be enthusiastic, determined and ultimately respected members of the United Nations. It's an aspect of our independence each citizen can rightly be proud of. However, as we once again take a seat at the top table of global decision making, it should not be forgotten that there was no guarantee we would even enter the room at all for almost a decade.
The views expressed here are those of the author and do not represent or reflect the views of RTÉ