Groundhog! Groundhog! Groundhog!
When Irish peacekeepers hear those words, they know what to do: sprint to the nearest bunker and hunker down.
That's because it's an urgent warning that their base, or territory close by, is under threat of a rocket or artillery attack.
There are 339 Irish Defence Force members currently in south Lebanon, and bunkering has been a feature of their 6-month tour of duty.
For 113 of them, this is their first time serving overseas.
"We held our positions. We held the sovereignty of Lebanon in our hands in effect at that time."
In a baptism of fire, they deployed last November when the Israel Defence Forces, or IDF, were pounding the area in a battle with the Lebanese militant group, Hezbollah.
Many days were spent behind the sandbags.
After a ceasefire was reached, the Irish 125th Infantry Battalion emerged and began to feel their way into a hostile world.
Even before this latest round of fighting, the UN Interim Force in Lebanon, or UNIFIL, has been getting it in the neck from both sides.
Israeli cabinet minister Eli Cohen described UNIFIL last year as "a useless force" that had "failed to prevent Hezbollah from establishing itself".
At the same time, UNFIL was accused by Hezbollah of acting as spies for Israel.
The new challenge for the Irish blue helmets was engaging with some of the more than 70,000 Lebanese civilians who'd fled south Lebanon when the war broke out and were now returning.
Of the 14 towns and villages in the Irish area of operations, it's estimated that the vast majority experienced between 50% to 90% damage.
White-hot anger
There was white-hot anger from the returnees at the destruction caused by the IDF, and some of that rage was directed at the UNIFIL troops.
The Irish Battalion Commander, Lieutenant Colonel Shane Rockett, said he understood why that was the case.
"If somebody came in and bombed your home, town or village, and there was a military force there, the first question you would ask is: 'What did you do to prevent that?'" he said.
Lt Col Rockett says the Irish response has been to explain that their mission is not to engage the IDF in warfare and suggest that the consequences would have been much worse for the area had the Irish left - as Israel demanded at the time.
The Irish blue helmets, like thousands of their comrades before them, are back out on patrol in the deep ravines and rugged hills of south Lebanon.
Often hovering over their heads are Israeli drones which constantly observe the comings and goings from its northern border to the Litani River in south Lebanon, roughly 30km away.
Tánaiste Simon Harris certainly got a sense of how that felt during his visit last Wednesday, as a noisy drone hovered over the Irish base, called UNP 2-45.
The base is sited just 8km from Israel, is close to the strategic town of At Tiri, and so IDF drones are a constant presence and menace.
I was among a group of journalists scanning the skies as two drones criss-crossed over the base, disappeared and then returned over the course of an hour.
Despite a ceasefire coming into force on 27 November, the area remains very volatile.
Our trip to southern Lebanon was nearly cancelled last weekend when rockets were fired into Israel and the IDF engaged in reprisal attacks for two days in which eight people died.
'This is south Lebanon'
We arrived back in Ireland last Thursday and, the following day, two more rockets were fired at Israel from south Lebanon - triggering yet another deadly IDF bombardment.
As Lt Col Rockett expressed it: "This is south Lebanon. At any stage this place can go back to the war ... fighting ... that we saw a couple of months ago."
It's unclear who fired the rockets at Israel over the past two weeks, and the absence of hard information had led to a swirl of speculation and rumours.
Some Lebanese suggest the attacks were mounted by Hezbollah - something the militant group has denied.
Another theory is that hardliners within either Hezbollah, or the Amal militia, have gone rogue.
Alternatively, some believe that a Palestinian faction aligned with Hamas in Gaza could be responsible.
As often happens in Lebanon, some suggest that Israel itself is involved in subterfuge with the aim of destabilising the country.
The UN peacekeepers don't waste any time on the speculation - their hands are full trying to re-open roads; assist in the recovery of bodies; and dealing with unexploded ordnance.
They also have Civilian Military Cooperation teams who talk to the local mayors and see what further assistance can be provided.
But patrolling south Lebanon inevitably means dealing with Hezbollah.
The self-styled resistance group may have lost the upper echelon of its leadership in IDF bombings, including its totemic leader Hassan Nasrallah, but Hezbollah - The Party of God - remains a powerful force in south Lebanon and districts of Beirut.
It seemed to me that virtually every second pole on the highway south from the capital had Hezbollah's flag fluttering from it: a green hand reaching for a semi-automatic rifle against a yellow background.
I also spotted numerous posters of fallen Hezbollah cadres plastered on the walls of town after town, with the martyr's eyes blazing with defiance.
Irish peacekeepers can be confronted by armed militia members, or find themselves surrounded by Hezbollah supporters who don't want the UN to know what's happening just around the corner.
Blood-curdling threats
The latest threat to the ceasefire comes from the unidentified group which is firing rockets into Israel.
As well as the IDF bombing Beirut for the first time since the November ceasefire, Israeli politicians have been making blood-curdling threats.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said on Friday: "We will attack anywhere in Lebanon against any threat to the State of Israel."
Defence Minister, Israel Katz, declared: "With every attempt to harm the towns of Galilee, the rooftops of the southern suburbs [of] Beirut will tremble."
The French President Emmanuel Macron strongly condemned the Israeli action, saying such attacks "play into the hands of Hezbollah."
Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam has urged his army to identify and arrest those responsible, saying their actions were threatening Lebanon's stability and security.
Again, the Irish peacekeepers have to ignore the geopolitical jousting and continue to put in the hard yards.
They hope their work can help bolster the shaky truce that ended a year-long war between Israel and Hezbollah, in which more than 5,000 Lebanese were killed.
But key elements of the deal have yet to be implemented - the IDF retains a presence in five locations in south Lebanon rather than carrying out a full withdrawal, while Hezbollah hasn't withdrawn all its forces north of the Litani River.
All the Irish blue helmets can do is to continue with their patrols, support the Lebanese Armed Forces [LAF] to take control of the area and be the eyes and ears of the international community.
The Chief of Staff of the Irish Defence Forces, Lieutenant General Sean Clancy, was talking up the positive in Lebanon this week by reminding the media of the dramatic change that's happened in the five months that the 125 Infantry Battalion has been in the country - war giving way to peace.
He declared to us: "It's very clear that the scenario has changed here in southern Lebanon. I mean, that’s very evident to all."
Referencing the initial deployment, which took place at the height of the conflict, Lt Gen Clancy added: "We held our positions. We held the sovereignty of Lebanon in our hands in effect at that time. And right now, our battalion is carrying on that work in supporting the LAF and the civilian community."
Summing-up, he said: "Our 125th battalion are doing extraordinary work."
That chimed with me, just like the previous occasions I'd visited south Lebanon since 1992.
Lt Gen Clancy's visit to Lebanon this week could well be the Chief of Staff's final overseas mission, before he switches jobs in June and becomes the chair of the EU’s Military Committee.
By then, it will be the 126th Infantry Battalion patrolling the dusty and often dangerous winding roads of south Lebanon - a mission which has cost 48 Irish lives since 1978.
