At an event last week in the Irish Embassy in London, the Prince of Wales told the assembled crowd that the contribution of Irish people to Britain had been "as profound as it has been immeasurable".
Prince Charles and the Duchess of Cornwall were the special guests of Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs Simon Coveney and Ambassador Adrian O'Neill as they formally marked the start of St Patrick's Day celebrations with dinner at the embassy.
Britain's future King talked of Ireland and the UK as "friends, partners and the closest of neighbours bound together by everything we have in common, and how far we have come together".
At any time it would have been a significant moment, but never more so than now.
These Brexit times have tested the Anglo-Irish relationship, and reminders of the strong ties that bind are needed more as talk turns to the imminent departure of the UK from the EU, and the possible effects for Ireland as that closest neighbour.
There was perhaps a conscious attempt by the guests at the embassy from the worlds of politics, business and entertainment not to dwell too much on Brexit, but focus instead on Ireland's worldwide artistic and musical impact.
But the topic that absorbs so much of British, and Irish, discussion at the moment was never far from people's thoughts.
As actor Adrian Dunbar read a poem from Derek Mahon, the final line created a ripple of knowing laughter in the room - "The sun rises in spite of everything, and the far cities are beautiful and bright. I lie here in a riot of sunlight watching the day break and the clouds flying. Everything is going to be all right."
"Everything is going to be all right" is the message many people want to hear right now. Brexit has considerably disturbed the equilibrium, and what equilibrium there is left is likely to be heavily tested this week.
On Tuesday, Theresa May will bring the Brexit deal she agreed with Brussels before Christmas back to the Commons for a second so-called meaningful vote about whether MPs want to accept it.
Record-breaking, in fact, as it inflicted the biggest loss in living memory for a British government.
So far, the much vaunted "concessions" on the Northern Ireland backstop that Theresa May had sought have failed to materialise, meaning she looks likely to return for a vote on exactly the same deal that was defeated last time.
Potentially, the only change in the deal since the first vote and second vote is the British Prime Minister's support of it herself.
In January, Mrs May told MPs that the deal she had put before them was the best that they would get from the EU. She urged them to accept it on the basis that it could not be bettered and promised them that it came the closest to delivering the Brexit that a majority of voters wanted.
Yet, just days later, Mrs May whipped her party to vote in favour of the 'Brady amendment', which called on the British government to renegotiate the Northern Ireland backstop and replace it with "alternative arrangements".
In supporting the notion that such a renegotiation could be done, Mrs May voted against a significant element of the deal she had negotiated in the first place. In doing so, she also effectively admitted that the original deal had not been the best that MPs would get from the EU. That change in position is one about which she is likely to receive a reminder of this week.
If, as is currently expected, Mrs May's deal fails to pass the Commons vote on Tuesday, it sets off a domino effect of votes through the week.
On Wednesday, MPs will be asked if they want to remove "no deal" as an option, thereby removing the second part of the current binary legal default position - leave with an agreed deal or no deal at all.
While a no-deal departure promises many Brexiteers the sharp cutting of EU ties that they feel is the preferred option at this point, it fills many other MPs with dread.
The dire economic predictions, and the undoubted uncertainty it would bring, is seen by Remain supporting MPs as a foolhardy negotiating position that they want gone off the table.
If a majority vote to remove no deal, then on Thursday they will be asked to vote on whether they want to delay Article 50 and postpone the 29 March departure date.
While this week might appear to have some structure, the unpredictable nature of events should not be underestimated.
If the process reaches a point where MPs are asked to vote on taking no deal off the table, how exactly will Theresa May whip her party to vote?
Mrs May's mantra has consistently been "no deal is better than a bad deal". Many in her Cabinet disagree, to the point where they threatened mass resignations if she did not allow them a route to remove that option.
If the Prime Minister tells her MPs to support a no-deal option, she faces the ministerial resignation threat once again, and the danger that brings of her government collapsing.
If she whips against no deal, she has done a complete volte-face on her negotiating strategy. If she allows a free vote, it is an acknowledgement that control of her MPs and the hope of bringing them with her on any way forward has been abandoned, sending a damaging signal to the EU.
There is no easy answer for her, but then this is Brexit. Easy answers are hard to find. She may want to look up a copy of Derek Mahon’s "Everything Is Going To Be All Right".
Soothing words might help a little.