Analysis: For 65 years the 'Triple Lock' has determined when Irish soldiers are sent abroad, but new legislation could change how it works
The Government has proposed new legislation that will change how Ireland decides to send soldiers abroad to serve on international peacekeeping missions. The Defence (Amendment) Bill 2025 will remove the Triple Lock when the Defence Forces are serving as part of an international force. But what is the ‘Triple Lock’ is, how does it compare to other countries' approach to sending troops abroad, and what are the arguments for and against changing the policy?
What is the triple lock?
The ‘Triple Lock’ describes how Ireland decides to send Defence Forces Personnel overseas to serve as part of peace keeping or peace enforcement operations. It involves UN approval, a decision by Government and a vote in the Dáil. The term ‘Triple Lock’ does not appear in any legislation but does adequately describe the legal process used to allow Irish overseas missions since the passage of the Defence Act (1960).
Why do we have it?
When Ireland first sent Irish soldiers abroad as part of the UN observation mission in Lebanon in 1958, the Government did so without a vote in the Dáíl based on the assumption that it had the legal authority to do so. Following this, the Defence Act (1960) put in place the requirements we now call the ‘Triple Lock’. Later changes to the Act in 1993 extended the type of possible missions to ‘peace enforcement’ rather than just ‘peace keeping’ and the 2006 Amendment updated the language on UN authorisation and outlined the other circumstances when troops could be deployed for training, consular protection etc. The 2006 Amendment also clarified the necessity for a government decision in the process of authorising a deployment.
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From RTÉ Radio 1's The Late Debate, Why is the government proposing changes to the Triple Lock?
How has it worked?
Since 1958, Ireland has had a continuous presence on UN authorised missions. On no occasion was Dáil approval withheld for a mission. Since 1990, Ireland has engaged in 14 international missions but only three times was a formal vote held. In each case, approval of participation was granted by the Dáil. In 2003, the EU launched its first overseas military mission, EUFOR Concordia in what was then known as the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Ireland was unable to participate as China vetoed the UNSC resolution approving the mission.
How does it compare to how other countries make decisions on sending troops abroad?
Ireland is not unique in requiring parliamentary approval for an international deployment. 14 other EU member states have similar requirements. In most cases, approval is granted, however there have been some notable exceptions. Both votes on deployment to Iraq were only narrowly passed in Denmark. In the UK, David Cameron’s Conservative government lost a vote on deployment to Syria in 2013 and Barack Obama lost a similar vote on Libya in the House of Representatives in 2011.
Ireland is unusual in two ways. One is that most countries have time limits on approvals. In other words, a mandate is granted for a specific period and then subject to review either on an annual basis (e.g. Spain) or on a mission specific basis (e.g Germany). Ireland on the other hand has no formal mechanism for the Dáil to review a decision to deploy troops on an international mission or indeed bring them home, for example the UNIFIL deployment in 1978 was only voted on once, although that deployment remained in place until 2001. Similarly, the decision to withdraw participation from the UN observer mission in the Golan Heights (UNDOF) was made by the Government without a vote.
Read more: How did Ireland get involved in UN peacekeeping?
Secondly, Ireland is unique in requiring UN approval for a deployment. No other country has formally limited their decision making in this way, though in practice Austria has only deployed on external missions with UN approval. Germany on the other hand restricts deployments abroad to participation in collective security arrangements such as UN or NATO operations.
Why is the government proposing to change it?
The government is proposing to make two changes to the existing approach to Ireland’s deployment. They want to remove the requirement for UN approval and to increase the number of troops that can be deployed without a Dáil vote from 12 to 50. The argument the government have put forward is based on their concern that as the UN Security Council (UNSC) has become more dysfunctional, Ireland should not be held back by the permanent members of the UNSC. They cite as evidence that no new mandate has been approved by the Security Council since 2014 and the increasing tensions at the Security Council for mandate renewals of existing missions.
For example, EUFOR Althea, which Ireland has participated in since its deployment in 2004, is currently operating under an annually renewed mandate. Russia has become increasingly critical of the mission and may veto a future renewal. The mission would likely continue with the consent of the government of Bosnia-Herzegovina but in the absence of a UNSC mandate, Ireland would be forced to withdraw.
What are the arguments against changing it?
Opposition to the change has focussed on two aspects. One is that they reject the idea that the UNSC is a constraint on Ireland’s participation in peacekeeping missions. They argue that following the 2006 amendment to the Defence Act, a UN General Assembly resolution would be sufficient to meet the requirements of the Triple Lock. They also point out that in practical terms, EUFOR Concordia remains the only example of Ireland being unable to participate in an international mission due to the absence of a UN resolution and therefore the Government’s concerns about this are overstated.
Secondly, the issue is framed in terms of Ireland’s traditional policy of military neutrality. The argument is that the UN element of the Triple Lock ensures that Ireland cannot take part in other foreign military adventures such as the invasion of Iraq in 2003 and that removing the UN requirement is a step towards ending Ireland’s policy of military neutrality. Though it is worth noting that a change to the triple lock would have no effect on the Constitutional provision that prohibits Ireland from joining a ‘Common European Defence’.
The opponents to change also hold that a UN mandate, while necessary, is not a sufficient condition for Ireland to participate in international missions. Sinn Féín have supported Ireland’s participation in UNIFIL but opposed other deployments. Likewise, both Labour and the Green party have voted in favour of deployments but have opposed specific missions such as the missions in Chad and Mali. Aontú and the Social Democrats have also opposed specific missions even when a UNSC mandate was in place.
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From RTÉ Radio 1's Today with Claire Byrne, The history of Irish neutrality with historian and Professor of Modern Irish History at UCD Diarmuid Ferriter
How will the government decide on future peacekeeping missions?
The governments proposal is to remove the UN element of the ‘Triple Lock’. However the proposed bill still requires the deployment as part of an International Force to "operate for the purposes of peacekeeping, conflict prevention and strengthening international security consistent with the principles of the United Nations Charter." The definition of ‘International force’ in the bill refers to the UN, the Organisation for Cooperation and Security in Europe (OSCE), the EU and "any other regional arrangement or body that operates in a manner consistent with the UN charter and international law."
The proposed bill also clarifies that the Government can replace troops serving on an international mission that has been approved by the Dáil without a further vote.
As we debate the future of Ireland’s approach to deployments we might be best served by increasing the formal role of the Dáil in mission oversight after deployment, by requiring regular renewals of mandates and engagement with the mission command with the relevant Dáil committee on Defence. This would empower both government and opposition to ensure that Ireland’s participation in international missions complies with Irish law, foreign policy and values.
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The views expressed here are those of the author and do not represent or reflect the views of RTÉ
