Analysis: hundreds of Europeans fleeing a Russian invasion sought sanctuary here at a time of high unemployment and endemic emigration

The Irish Government has given asylum to Eastern European refugees fleeing a Russian invasion. The media and public opinion are, in the main, supportive. But in this case, it's November 1956 and not 2022.

When Soviet tanks rolled into Hungary in November 1956 to suppress the popular uprising, the United Nations put out an appeal for member countries to give sanctuary to the fleeing Hungarians. Liam Cosgrave, then Minister for External Affairs, offered Ireland's aid in his maiden speech to the UN. At that time, Ireland was a country of high unemployment and endemic emigration.

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From RTÉ News Archive, John Ross reports on the Hungarian refugees in Knockalisheen, Co Clare

The Government agreed to take in approximately 460 refugees (0.02% of the population at the time) and the main group were to be housed in an old army camp in Knockalisheen in Co Clare, four miles from Limerick City. This was to be a temporary refuge, partly for quarantine reasons, until Irish families would come forward and give the refugees homes. The Limerick Leader described the camp as, 'very comfortable’ and ‘well heated’.

The Red Cross launched an appeal. For a country experiencing hard times raising £724,250 (just over €21 million today) in donations was impressive. Bewley's offered apprenticeships to a small group of refugees and Colgate Palmolive sent half a ton of soap. Locally, church gate collections and local businesses raised £4,500. Local chemists donated 36lbs of penicillin. When the first group of refugees arrived in Shannon on November 26th, they were welcomed by the Mayor of Limerick and, as the Irish Press reported, ’hundreds of airport workers and people from all over Munster.’

But within six months, 145 Hungarians in the camp were on hunger strike and the press coverage had become mostly unsympathetic. By 1958, there were letters to the Limerick Leader complaining that refugees had received preferential treatment. In fact, local memory as late as 2013 recalled the experience as ‘these Hungarians were permitted to live free on the proverbial fat of the land’.

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Interview with Olga Murphy, one of the Hungarian refugees housed in Knockalisheen in the late 1950s

So what went wrong? First of all, communication. There was a gap between what the Government had promised the refugees and what Ireland could actually deliver. Palmai Banki's interviews with the Hungarians who stayed in Ireland reveal that they had been promised work and, if required, transfers to other countries before the they came to Ireland. That promise of work for all was implausible given the high rate of unemployment and the insistence of Irish trade unions that Irish people get priority.

While a minority of skilled workers did find jobs (such as a group of eight jewellers and watch makers), most of the adults could not. Their entire income was a very small allowance from the state just 15s a week for men 10s for women, compared with the average industrial wage of £6 at the time. Many of the refugees in the camp started to make handcrafts which they sold on the street in Limerick. Some of them begged, although this was not allowed by the camp authorities and the refugees were told not to leave the camp except for work.

Life in the camp was very unsatisfactory. The refugees had very little autonomy and food was made and served centrally by an army chef. Although the quality of the food seems to have been acceptable, at least at the beginning, many of the refugees were families and wanted to cook for themselves.

It was only when the group went on hunger strike that their issues were taken seriously

The second major weakness in government policy was that there was no formal mechanism for refugees to air their grievances. When a group of four people from the camp tried to go to Dublin to discuss their problems with the Government in January 1957, they were turned back. It was only when the group went on hunger strike that their issues were taken seriously.

Yet the hunger strike itself soured popular opinion towards the refugees, with some coming to see them as ungrateful, even spongers. Through no fault of their own, they were condemned for problems that were caused by the economic situation and the Government’s inability to deliver what had been promised.

In 2022, Ireland has done much better in the main with Ukrainian refugees. When Russia invaded Ukraine, there was a spontaneous and generous response. Many communities donated food, toiletries and clothes as well as money to the Red Cross. The press were also very supportive.

We must be careful that a group of refugees are not made scapegoats once again for what are essentially governmental shortcomings

The country is in a much better economic state than in 1956 and we have full employment rather than high unemployment. All Ukrainians arriving here have received PPS numbers and are free to find work. One third of them have been able to do so and are thus contributing to the country’s tax reserves which could one day help pay the next generation’s pensions. In general, the Ukrainians are better integrated than the Hungarians were able to be, but there is a major housing crisis here and there have been the beginnings of a shift in public opinion.

But ten months on, there are some changes. Some of the protestors in East Wall and elsewhere are blaming refugees and asylum seekers for the housing shortage and phrases such as ‘we should look after our own’ are being aired.

Fortunately, there have also been demonstrations welcoming refugees and asylum seekers in both East Wall and Fermoy. We must be careful that a group of refugees are not made scapegoats once again for what are essentially governmental shortcomings despite however good the efforts have been this time around.

The views expressed here are those of the author and do not represent or reflect the views of RTÉ