Analysis: the recent furore over foreign aircraft in Irish-controlled airspace is not the first time this has occured
For the second time in just over a year, the issue of sovereignty with respect to Irish airspace has raised questions regarding this state’s military relationship with the UK. A minor furore erupted in March last year, when the public were alerted to the presence of Russian Tupolev bombers in Irish-controlled airspace. In fact, there have been a number of incursions into Irish-controlled airspace by these planes, which typically operate with their transponders turned off, making them ‘invisible’ to conventional radar, and a potential danger to civilian air traffic.
But the proximity of Russian bombers to our coastlines is not what animated some commentators and politicians. Rather, they appear irked that Royal Air Force (RAF) jets have been repeatedly scrambled in Britain to also enter our airspace and track the Russian interlopers. For some on social media, worse still was the revelation that the Irish Government actually facilitates this, under a long-term ‘secret deal’ which permits the RAF to guard against such eventualities.
The specifics of our state’s agreement with the RAF are, understandably, confidential, but the fact that a ‘deal’ exists has been an open secret for some time. Senator Gerard Craughwell has been most vocal on this issue, questioning the legality of the arrangement given Ireland’s (supposed) neutral status. More recently, Deputy Cathal Berry has described the deal as a "national humiliation and embarrassment" that "undermines our status as a military neutral".
From the Irish Defence Forces Officers' Club, a discussion on Ireland's air defence capability with Frank Ledgwidge, Dr Kyriakos Kourousis, Niall Connors and Kevin Humphreys.
Whilst the extent to which Ireland ever truly was, is, or should be ‘neutral’ remains open to question, it is unlikely the public will seize upon this issue as reason to criticise the current government. Given the circumstances, and the potential high costs of maintaining our own jets, most rational observers would regard the RAF’s occasional presence in our sovereign airspace as necessary incursions by a friendly neighbour lending assistance.
But this benign interpretation was not always widespread. Indeed, the issue of British military aircraft entering Irish airspace contributed to the fall from power of Taoiseach Jack Lynch in 1979, the man once described as Ireland’s most popular politician since Daniel O'Connell.
It all seemed to begin so well. After years of austerity imposed by the Liam Cosgrave’s national coalition there was an appetite for change, particularly amongst younger voters. A rip-roaring presidential style campaign centring on Lynch himself, a cornucopia of tax cuts and spending increases and a flashy manifesto saw Fianna Fáil thunder into power after the 1977 general election. Lynch returned to the Taoiseach’s office, with a 20 seat majority.
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From RTÉ Radio 1's Morning Ireland in 2017, historian Dermot Keogh on the life of Jack Lynch 100 years after his birth
However, all was not rosy. The majority was too large, and Lynch would have difficulty controlling this huge parliamentary party, some of whom were young, petulant and hungry first-time TDs. Worse still, a large proportion were already acolytes of the hungriest TD of them all, a man whose ambition was to depose Lynch and take the Taoiseach’s office for himself: Charles J. Haughey.
In recent times, politicians and governments have been derided for failing to make good on their election rhetoric. However, in the case of Fianna Fáil after 1977, it may have been better for everyone had they refused to keep their promises. Lynch’s Government provided the fiscal giveaways outlined in their manifesto, which saw public spending bloat significantly, and constricted the tax base. The voters were pleased until an oil crisis ratcheted-up production costs, unemployment levels rose and income taxes had to be increased to cover the State’s ever-expanding debt. By 1979, it was evident that Fianna Fáil was losing popularity, with many TDs now fearing the safety of their own seats at the next election.
Additionally, the conflict in Northern Ireland continued to have security repercussions in the Republic. In August 1979, the Provisional IRA carried out what was termed a ‘spectacular’: an attack gaining worldwide attention due either to its audacity, its target, its death toll, or a combination of these factors. On this occasion the paramilitary group detonated a bomb on the boat of the British queen’s cousin, Louis Mountbatten, in Co Sligo, killing the royal, an 83 year old woman and two teenage boys.
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From RTÉ Archives, Colm Connolly reports for RTÉ News on the IRA attack in Mullaghmore, Co Sligo which resulted in four deaths
British politians, media, and wider society were outraged. Harsh and somewhat unfair criticisms were made of the Irish Government’s counter-terrorist approach. Contemporary media presentations to the effect that Lynch was ‘summoned’ to a meeting with the new UK prime minister, Margaret Thatcher, were inaccurate. The Taoiseach did, though, come under some pressure to accept a shopping list of additional security measures demanded by the British. Some of the more impracticable demands were politely rejected (or ignored) by the Irish.
However, it was agreed that British military aircraft could pursue paramilitaries, suspected of involvement in an attack, over the border into the Republic for up to five kilometres inside Irish territory, and relay the suspects’ movements to the Garda. This was billed as a "major concession" by the Irish to mollify their British counterparts. Understandably, Lynch requested that it remain confidential to avoid awkward questions from the media – or discontent amongst the more nationalistic members of his own party.
Ironically, this was not a truly significant change in practical terms. Agreed British military overflights within Irish airspace had been ongoing since 1974, albeit in a low-key manner. These included mercy flights for medical purposes; security overflights to assess suspected explosive devices near the Border; flights for systematic photographic analysis of the Border region; and overflights to follow paramilitary suspects within the Clonoony salient in Co Monaghan. The new agreement was certainly an expansion of existing arrangements, but it was by no means a fundamental change.
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From RTÉ Archives, Jim Dougal reports on the impact of Margaret Thatcher on Northern Ireland during her time as British prime minister
Lynch’s concerns about hardline nationalist elements within Fianna Fáil were well-founded. Following media speculation around an agreement in October, some of his own TDs questioned whether Irish sovereignty was under threat. As initial press reports incorrectly cited a distance of 10 kilometres (rather than five), some Government sources felt they had sufficient wiggle room to deny the reports outright and assure concerned TDs there was no threat to sovereignty.
But in November, Lynch was caught off guard during a press conference in New York where he awkwardly confirmed the Government’s decision to "improve the situation very, very slightly" (in other words, expand the parameters allowing for overflights). This prompted ructions within backbench elements of Fianna Fáil. Haughey supporters seized the opportunity to heighten disgruntlement, and requests were made for Lynch to resign. Bowing to the inevitable, and hoping the timing would suit George Colley (his preferred candidate to succeed him) Lynch signalled his intention to retire in December. The subsequent contest would not be in Colley’s favour, and instead heralded the onset of the Haughey era.
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From RTÉ Archives, Brian Farrell interviews Jack Lynch on Today Tonight on the occasion of his resignation as Taoiseach in 1979
The recent revelations around the RAF’s use of Irish airspace are unlikely to topple a Taoiseach, or perhaps even get much media attention. Understandably, the general public are exercised by matters much closer to earth of late. Nevertheless, the concerns raised by some commentators clearly indicate that the sometimes confused, concepts of Irish sovereignty and neutrality remain open for debate – and perhaps even for change.
The views expressed here are those of the author and do not represent or reflect the views of RTÉ
